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Economics

The Government, Not COVID-19, Broke Schools

2020-10-15 Leave a Comment

In recent months, policymakers have had to make a nearly impossible decision: Should they open public schools or continue with remote education? If they open the schools then some children will possibly catch COVID-19 and infect an older relative. But if a parent must stay home to monitor their child’s remote learning, how can the parent return to work? And what about families without highspeed broadband? And what about older teachers who will be at risk of catching COVID-19 if they return to the classroom?

We see here a conflicting set of priorities, a real thorny problem.  So, how should policymakers pick the best solution? Or is this even the right question to be asking?

Let’s look at a parallel problem, conflicting priorities about automobiles, and remind ourselves about what we already know about how the world works. One person wants a car that runs on renewable energy.  Another wants an SUV that comfortably fits eight passengers.  Another needs a small truck for his business, one with towing power.  Another seeks a car that looks sporty.  Another really wants good off-road handling.

What would it look like if the government made all the cars and they were all the same model? How would policymakers reconcile all the different priorities? Would they do a good job?  Or would it end up like the Trebant?  I think we know the answer here.

This real problem here is not COVID-19. The real problem has been with us for much longer.  The real problem is a government monopoly in K-12 education that forces us into monolithic solutions, without considering the individual preferences of parents, students, and teachers.  It is this one-size-fits-all approach of public schools that makes it impossible to make everyone happy.  What the pandemic has done is stress the system and shown more clearly how unresponsive the state-run education system is and always has been.

As an alternative, imagine a world where the current cost per student of public schools was turned into a portable “Education Voucher” that parents could spend on their child’s behalf. If continuing to send their child to the local public school is the best fit for the family, then they could use the voucher for that. Nothing for them would change. But if a public school nearer to the parent’s workplace makes more sense, so they can avoid taking a bus, then the voucher could be used for that.  If a charter school or a private school was preferred, then the parent could use the voucher towards that tuition.  If a parent would rather take a cut to their own work hours, so they could stay home and monitor their child’s remote education, or even home school them, then the voucher could be applied to those lost wages.  The voucher could be used to purchase homeschooling books and supplies, or to pay for broadband or a computer.

There is a lot that a parent could do today if given the opportunity of an Education Voucher.  But that is just considering half of the picture.  What incentives would nation-wide access to Education Vouchers create among producers of educational goods and services, if they knew that tens of millions of families were free to consider alternative educational experiences for their children?  What innovations might come?

A hypothetical scenario: a business might hire some of the most experienced and talented teachers, including older ones who might not have felt safe being in a classroom full of young “asymptomatic carriers.” The teachers could work on developing a curriculum and delivering instruction, all grades, all subjects.  The instruction could be recorded and streamed online or fed into a cable or satellite network. Everyone household could be reached, even if they did not have broadband.  The cable or satellite company might handle the billing, and even bundle a computer with the subscription.  (They already know how to handle renting cable boxes and such.)

The above approach might be a great solution for some but might not be an adequate solution for others.  That’s fine.  We’re not looking for one-size-fits-all compromises.  We’re not looking to design a “sporty and roomy electric off-road SUV with a hitch” for everyone to buy. The point is to encourage free market solutions in an area where consumers naturally have diverse preferences, an area which is particularly poorly served today by a government-run monopoly.

Free markets are not about translating, one-for-one, government solutions into private sector alternatives.  Free markets not about just offering a choice among several well-known alternatives.  Free markets are about alert entrepreneurs, attentive to changing consumer needs and the incentives these needs create.  Free markets are about innovation.

In a sense this related to Frederic Bastiat’s famous essay, “That Which is Seen and that Which is Unseen.”  We all see the public school, the teachers, and the classrooms.  We can imagine that, if Education Vouchers were made available, that this would translate into some teachers and some students being in different classrooms, perhaps down the street, in schools that would be privately run, but would otherwise be quite similar to the public schools.  That much is familiar to us.  We can see that in our mind’s eye.  But what is unseen and hard to even imagine are the innovative educational approaches that would be created, here in the 21st century, if not for the government monopoly in K-12 education.  These solutions, unseen today for lack of incentives to create them, might be so different from what we know that we might not even call them “schools.” We would need to seek a new word for them, like we had to invent the word “automobile” to replace “horse-drawn carriage” and “lightbulb” to replace “candle.”

Filed Under: Economics, Education, Government

The Origin of Wealth in 400 Words

2020-03-02 Leave a Comment

Simple example:  There are just two of us, stuck on an island. We survive by harvesting coconuts and catching rabbits.

Scenario #1 — Autarky. We each work independently, doing both tasks. Since we’re dividing our effort, neither of us gets very proficient at these tasks and it takes us each 16 hours of daily effort to scrape by, after which we collapse from exhaustion for the day.

Scenario #2 — Specialization. You are a better climber than I am, but I am a better with snares. So, we specialize, you on gathering coconuts, me on catching rabbits. By focusing on that one task we each gain greater skills in that area. We each complete our work for the day in only 12 hours after which we trade a portion of our goods with each other.

As a bonus, we now each have four hours left over before we go to sleep. This is time that could be used for leisure and relaxation. It could be used to satisfy other needs. Maybe one of us wants to try fishing, or building a boat? The time could also be used to build tools to make our main production even more efficient. For example, I may design new and better snares for catching rabbits. This might mean I can, down the road, reduce my labor to only 10 hours a day.

Whether you are talking about an island of two persons, a community, a nation or the entire world, it is the same basic mechanisms at play. There is comparative advantage (you are naturally a better climber than I am). There is specialization and division of labor (I focus on catching rabbits and become really good at that one thing.) There is capital investment (I take my free time to build tools that make my production more efficient.) And there are gains for trade (It is cheaper for me to get some of your coconut in trade than for me to take time away from rabbit hunting to get them on my own.)

Note that there are also some unstated pre-requisites that enabled the productivity gains described above.  We had to agree not to kill each other or steal each other’s property.  We also had to honor whatever agreements we made with each other.  This “rule of law” provides the foundations on which all thriving societies are built.

Filed Under: Economics

Let’s Make Low Income Workers Unemployed!

2020-01-26 Leave a Comment

On June 16th, 1933 F.D.R. gave a speech on the just-enacted National Industrial Recovery Act.  Although the law never lived to see its second birthday, being declared unconstitutional in 1935 (Schechter Poultry Corp. v. The United States), it did yield a snappy line that, zombie-like, never dies, and lives on in the memedom of the internet:

It seems to me to be equally plain that no business which depends for existence on paying less than living wages to its workers has any right to continue in this country.

In lieu of silver bullets or a wood stake, let’s try to dispatch the undead with an even more lethal weapon:  brutal, unflinching logic.

Let’s imagine three businesses, all selling roughly the same thing, say baseball bats.

  • Company X, the oldest of the companies, makes their bats in Alabama. They have old equipment, from the 1950s. It is not the fastest in the world, but it gets the job done. The process is completed by 10 low skill workers who do the final sanding, varnishing and inspection. They earn minimum wage.
  • Company Y is a new entrant to the field. They use computer-controlled lathes and all the latest automation. Their automation even does the sanding and varnishing. To supervise this process requires fewer workers. In fact they only need 2 people. But because of the higher skills these two need, the company needs to offer 5x minimum wage in order to attract workers with the right skills.
  • Company Z has a website. They sell baseball bats drop shipped from suppliers in China and Vietnam. Workers there get paid far below U.S. minimum wage. But Company Z doesn’t know, or care. They hire one full-stack web developer to build and maintain the website. He is not cheap, but is worth it.

Let’s further assume that all three produce a product that satisfies some segment of the market, in terms of price/quality trade-offs, and that all three companies operate at a profit.

So, what do you think the impact of forcing Company X to shut down, because it could not afford to pay a “living wage”?

  • Would this increase or decrease unemployment in the United States?
  • Would this result in more workers, or fewer workers needing welfare?
  • Would this result in those already on welfare requiring more or less assistance?
  • Would this result in more workers, or fewer workers displaced by overseas competition?
  • Would this accelerate or slow down the push toward more workers being displaced by technological improvements?
  • Would this increase or decrease competition for baseball bats?
  • Would this change in competition increase or decrease the price of baseball bats?

It seems to me to be plain that forcing Company X to shut down will make things worse, not better, for the company’s owners, their employees, and their customers. It is hard to imagine a worse policy.

 

Filed Under: Corporations, Economics, Quotes

Some Thoughts on Safety

2020-01-07 1 Comment

It is sometimes said that, without government, we’d all quickly die, due to the lack of mandatory safety standards for things like food, drugs, building construction, etc.  The assumption is we’re all stupid.  We need government to tell us what to do.

The embarrassing question here is to ask how all these irredeemably stupid people could possibly elect a government that was not also irredeemably stupid.  One answer might be that we, as voters, seek out expertise to advise us on whom to vote for.  But if we can seek out expertise in this sphere, then why not also with respect to other things, like good building practices, good doctors, etc.?  The only resolution appears to be that we are wise, community-oriented, and generous when in the voting booth, but are idiots, selfish and greedy when in the market place.  We’re all schizophrenics, it seems.

Another embarrassing question to ask is: How safe must we be?

NORAD has a facility in Colorado, built under Cheyenne Mountain, beneath 2,000 feet of granite, behind 25 ton blast doors. The buildings themselves sit on giant shock-absorbing springs. By all accounts it is a very safe building. It was also very expensive to build. The cost, in today’s inflation-adjusted dollars, would be over $1 billion.  I mention this to remind us that safety is not the only goal of building. It is one of many. Affordability is another. Remember, we have a housing crisis in parts of the country.  Is it possible that homes are too safe, and this is part of why they not affordable to so many?

Government has no magic solution, unknown to the private sector, for avoiding cost/benefit trade-offs. There are no methods, known only to government, for getting safety improvements at zero cost.

Given the inevitability of such trade-offs, the question is then, who decides?

  • Government regulators, in bed with lobbyists from industry, mandating an array of safety (and increasing, environmental) “improvements,” which line the pockets of industry, while raising the cost of construction?
  • Or, the free market, buyers and sellers, eyes wide open, deciding what meets their needs, and ever-reminded by their insurers of the impact to their insurance premiums of various trade-offs they might make?

Of course, just as government has no magical insight into specific cost/benefit trade-offs, neither do libertarians. This is something for individual buyers and sellers, along with their trusted advisers, to hash out in the free market.

Filed Under: Bureaucrats, Economics

How Libertarians Would Pay for Things

2019-11-14 4 Comments

Suppose there is some Grand Project that several people want funded. They have a few basic ways of doing this.  They could:

  1. Fund the Grand Project themselves, from money they have on hand.
  2. Try to persuade more and more people to support the Project.
  3. Take out a loan to fund the Grand Project
  4. Attract investors to fund Grand Project, offering to pay them back a percentage of any eventual profits.
  5. Invite a private party to fully fund the Grand Project, which they would then make available to others on a rental or lease or per-use or some other basis, amortizing the cost.
  6. Try a different business model, maybe give big sponsors of the Grand Project naming rights, or offer them space for advertising.

I’m sure you can think of several more. That is the wonderful thing about the private sector, there are so many ways to fund the things that people truly want.

The harder task is funding the things that people don’t want. Let’s take the war in Iraq. How many Americans really wanted that? At the time? A decade later? 20 years later? Today? I’m sure it has very little support. But there it is, funded. Something like that could not be funded by any market-based mechanisms. It can only be funded via taxation. This is not because it the war is expensive. It is not because of free rider or public goods concerns. It is because it is unpopular. Taxation is the only means to fund things that no one in their right mind would fund with their own money. The fact that there is no alternative to this kind of funding, in a libertarian society, is a good thing.  It is a feature, not a bug.

Now, let’s imagine some intermediate Grand Project, something that many people would support with their own money, say at a 70% level. With taxation you would be able to fund it at 100%. Without taxation it would be funded at 70%. You would still have the Grand Project, but it would be a little bit less grand. Or the supporters would need to sell their idea a bit harder, trying harder to persuade citizens, and not just politicians, that it is a good idea.

I think most people understand and appreciate the need for a defensive military. They probably understand less why we still have active troops still in Germany and Japan and in 148 other countries. If the military were funded by voluntary payments, the emphasis would be on defense, and not on being the world’s policeman. Is this a bad thing? Some might disagree. Let them pay for it then, I say. The rest of us would fund a defensive military.

What about social entitlements? I’m sure there is wide support for ensuring the destitute, beset by accidents or tragedy, are not left to die on the streets. Many think that government is the solution here. Many others think private charity should play a major role. Let them vote with their pocketbooks and express their priorities that way. I’m sure when this is done, help for the most needy will be funded at a higher level than, say, corporate welfare, which would have almost no support.  Is this a bad thing? I don’t think so.

So that’s the essential trade-off. In return for some popular projects not being funded 100% by compulsory taxation, and for proponents of such projects needing to work harder to persuade the people actually paying, 100% of all the horrendous things that taxation funds, things that only make sense when someone else pays for it, would disappear. All of it.

I think that is a great trade-off. Arguably, with the money left over, the 70% that want to fund something popular might be able to fund it to 100% or even 110% and still be ahead.

Of course, this is all like garlic and a crucifix to the special interests vampires who survive only by drinking the blood of the living.

Filed Under: Economics

The New Miracle of the Loaves

2019-05-28 1 Comment

Say there are 10 loaves of bread, and 20 hungry people. What is a fair way to distribute the loaves?

Answer however you want, and it will be the wrong answer. Wrong, because the question is wrong. Distribute how you will, but then ask yourself, what happens the next day, after the loaves are eaten and gone?

Distribution is not really the interesting problem. Any idiot can distribute loaves of bread (In Venezuela an idiot essentially did). The harder part is encouraging a system where loaves of bread are created, today, tomorrow and the next day.

Teach a society how to redistribute loaves and we’ll all eat for a day. Teach them about exchange and trade for mutual benefit, investment, employment, division of labor and comparative advantage—in other words free market capitalism—and they will eat all the days of their lives.

Filed Under: Economics

Let’s Pay Everyone the Same!

2019-05-23 Leave a Comment

It is sometimes proposed to institute a “maximum wage” of sorts, to reduce inequality with either a hard income cap, or by restricting the ratio of the highest paid to the lowest paid person in a corporation.  Let’s do a thought experiment to see what might result from such a scheme.

Imagine a supermarket aiming to reduce inequality.  To this end, every item in the supermarket has the same price sticker on it. Everything costs the same. How would this work out?  At the end of the week, what do you think is left on the shelves and what is not? What will be restocked the next week by the wholesaler and what will not? What will producers be shifting their production to?

Hopefully your intuition leads you to suspect that everyone grabs the steaks and the cigarettes on the first day. The wholesalers then hoard these goods and only ship the cheapest goods to the stores the next week. After that, only the cheapest goods are officially produced and sold. The more expensive goods, if they exist at all, are only available on the black market, where they exchange at something closer to a free market price.

The same would be true in a job market, if everyone were paid the same.  Everyone would want the fun jobs, taking care of puppy dogs, playing in a rock band or being a centerfold photographer. Very few would want to do the messy and unpleasant jobs, or jobs that require many years of study, like becoming a doctor.

Of course, you might try to prevent this dynamic by having the government test everyone, to determine their aptitudes, and assign each person a mandatory occupation, according to the “needs of society.” Some of those jobs, no doubt, would be those of a jailer and border guard, to imprison those who rebel against such notions, or shoot those who try to flee the country.

The secondary effect would be that everyone would do a half-assed job at their work. In any given line of work, say an auto mechanic, the most-skilled and most-efficient and most-diligent worker would get not one cent more than the idiot who returns cars worse than when they arrived. With no incentives for excellence, few would strive to excel.

The third predictable outcome is that those of skill and talent would make their services available, at something approximating a free market price on the black market. Side by side with this would be a common practice of bribery. To get a qualified plumber, electrician, etc., would require a bribe.

Of course, the profit motive is not the only incentive known to man. In a pinch the threat of a firing squad can work as well.

 

Filed Under: Economics

Actually, Yes, You Did Build That

2018-12-15 Leave a Comment

“You didn’t build that!”  Elizabeth Warren used that line first, addressing it (rhetorically) to business owner who thinks that he built a business.   Warren the gives a litany of various things like roads, police protection, schools that educated his employees, and so on. Since the businessman benefits from these things, the argument goes, he woes compensation back to society, i.e., more taxes.

How should we think of such an argument?  Let’s imagine a pure libertarian society. Here road maintenance, security, and education are private functions, provided by private businesses and non-profits. It is still the case that the business owner does not provide these services directly himself. He needs to pay someone else for them. For example, he would need to pay tolls on a private road to fund road construction and maintenance.

So, in this libertarian society, can we wag our finger at the businessman and scold, “You didn’t build that”? No, not really. Of course, the businessman depends on suppliers and clients, etc. We cannot argue against that obvious fact. The libertarian merely argues that such relationships ought to be consensual, not coerced.

So, back to the Warren argument. I think the same logic applies there. It is well known that, in our progressive tax regime, most of the taxes are paid by a small fraction of taxpayers. The top 3% of taxpayers pay over half of income taxes, while the bottom 50% pay only 5%.  So, in a very real way, the roads that the businessman used, the schools that educated his employees, the police presence that protects him, these are all things he, and other high-income persons, already paid for. And not only that, he paid for these not only for his own business, but for numerous others in society who paid nothing.

Warren are is trying to double-charge the wealthy, taxing them initially to build the roads, fund the police, etc., and then, noting that they benefited from the roads they paid for, goes back and claims they owe another debt, to society, for the roads the exact same roads they already paid for.

Again, the libertarian argument is not that the businessman does not benefit from roads, police, etc., but that the businessman, who in a very real way is already paying for the roads, would be better off buying such services in a competitive market than from a monopoly supplier. Libertarians would rather have these relationships be consensual than coerced.

Filed Under: Economics

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